[Educationforall] spam con huevos, labor news, views and concerns, 11.21.11‏‏-I‏

Tue Nov 22 02:51:03 UTC 2011

SEIU President Arrested at Occupy "Day of Action"
SEIU Balancing Act: Support Both Obama and Occupy

The Camp is the World: Connecting the Occupy Movements and The Spanish May 15th Movement

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SEIU President Arrested at Occupy "Day of Action"

by Billy Hallowell
November 18, 2011
The Blaze

http://www.theblaze.com/stories/seiu-president-arrested-at-occupy-wall-streets-day-of-action-protest/

The Occupiers, despite small crowds at moments, are
claiming that Thursday’s "Day of Action" protest was a
major success. While protesters failed to shut down the
New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) and the New York City
transit system, they were successful at blocking
traffic and changing the city’s dynamics, as they
converged in New York’s busy streets.

Throughout the day, there were more than 200 arrests,
complete with sometimes violent clashes between police
and Occupiers. As a result, five protesters were
charged with felony assault and seven officers and 10
protesters sustained injuries.

Among those notable individuals taken into custody was
Mary Kay Henry, the president of the Service Employees
International Union (SEIU). Also arrested was city
councilman Jumaane D. Williams and George Fresham,
president of 1199/S.E.I.U., United Healthcare Workers
East. Henry and company were blocking a roadway that
leads to the Brooklyn Bridge when authorities detained
them.

Below, watch video of the SEIU national president being
taken into custody, as she chants along with
protesters, "We are the 99 percent!" According to
police, Henry, Williams and Fresham will post likely be
charged with disorderly conduct:

[for video, click below:]
http://www.theblaze.com/stories/seiu-president-arrested-at-occupy-wall-streets-day-of-action-protest/

Earlier this week, Henry made the SEIU‘s endorsement of
President Barack Obama’s re-election campaign official.
Salon has more:

Just weeks after issuing a union-wide endorsement of
Occupy Wall Street, the 2.1-million-member Service
Employees International Union announced this morning it
is also endorsing President Obama for reelection.
In an interview with Salon following a conference call
announcing the endorsement, SEIU president Mary Kay
Henry stressed the union will not try to enlist
occupiers as ground troops for Obama’s reelection-- but
SEIU also plans to stay involved with the Occupy
movement into 2012. SEIU, then under the leadership of
Andy Stern, spent millions of dollars helping to elect
Obama in 2008.

Henry appeared on MSNBC earlier on Thursday to discuss
her union’s 2012 electoral plans. In her interview, she
says, "The Republican field has made us very concerned
that we need to step out now" to prevent what she
believes is a dangerous, GOP agenda.

And she goes on to call the Occupy movement, "an
inspiring movement for change":

[for video click below:]
http://www.theblaze.com/stories/seiu-president-arrested-at-occupy-wall-streets-day-of-action-protest/

Considering her deep involvement in the movement, it‘s
hard to imagine that she and the SEIU won’t encourage
members to join in.

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SEIU Balancing Act: Support Both Obama and Occupy

BY JUSTIN ELLIOTT
WEDNESDAY, NOV 16, 2011
Salon.com

http://www.salon.com/2011/11/16/seiu_balancing_act_support_both_obama_and_occupy/

Even as the big union endorses the president's
reelection, its leader tells Salon support for OWS will
continue.

Just weeks after issuing a union-wide endorsement of
Occupy Wall Street, the 2.1-million-member Service
Employees International Union announced this morning it
is also endorsing President Obama for reelection.

In an interview with Salon following a conference call
announcing the endorsement, SEIU president Mary Kay
Henry stressed the union will not try to enlist
occupiers as ground troops for Obama’s reelection-- but
SEIU also plans to stay involved with the Occupy
movement into 2012. SEIU, then under the leadership of
Andy Stern, spent millions of dollars helping to elect
Obama in 2008.

In the six weeks I’ve been covering the movement in New
York, the vast majority of protesters I’ve encountered
are fed up with two-party politics; feelings about
Obama range from indifference to disappointment to deep
resentment. Pro-Obama signs occasionally appear at
Zuccotti Park, but they are exceedingly rare. I asked
Henry if, given occupiers’ views about Obama, she has
trouble reconciling SEIU’s support for Obama and
Occupy.

"Not at all," she said. "I think what Occupy Wall
Street has done for us is [to] help define the problem,
shine a light on the inequality. I think our obligation
as SEIU is to make the case to our members and the
broader public about how that problem gets solved." One
of those ways, Henry said, is getting involved in
electoral politics by endorsing Obama.

Will SEIU try to pressure the Occupy protesters to get
involved in Obama’s reelection effort?

"If the occupiers themselves want to participate in the
electoral process, we hope that they’ll join us. But we
don’t want to persuade them," she said, adding: "I see
these things-- working to reelect Obama and supporting
Occupy-- as complementary but separate."

As I’ve previously reported, there are some segments of
Occupy Wall Street that have begun thinking about 2012;
but, as usual with this movement, there is a wide range
of views about how to proceed. Factions within the
movement will likely take their activism in many
different directions at once next year-- if Occupy is
still a force by then.

In announcing the endorsement of Obama on a conference
call with reporters, Henry repeatedly invoked the "99
percent" rhetoric of Occupy Wall Street. That’s the
latest sign that the movement has created a powerful
new slogan for progressives.

"We believe that as Americans we face a stark choice at
this moment in history: do we want leaders who side
with the needs of rich corporations and the 1 percent,
where they are prospering at the expense of everyone
else?" Henry asked on the call. "Or do we want leaders
who side with the rest of us, the 99 percent?"

Henry also told me the union will continue to donate
things like food and in-kind labor to occupiers around
the country, even as it works to reelect Obama.

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http://www.alternet.org/module/printversion/153145 

The Camp is the World: Connecting the Occupy Movements and The Spanish May 15th Movement
By Luis Moreno-Caballud and Marina Sitrin, AlterNet
Posted on November 20, 2011, Printed on November 21, 2011
http://www.alternet.org/story/153145/the_camp_is_the_world%3A_connecting_the_occupy_movements_and_the_spanish_may_15th_movement 
We write this letter as participants in the movements, and as an invitation to a conversation. We hope to raise questions about how we continue to deepen and transform the new social relationships and processes we have begun … to open the discussion towards a common horizon.
The evictions and threats to the physical Occupations in the United States have again raised the question of the future of the movement. That the movements have a future is not the question – but what sort of future is. For example, should our energy be focused on finding new spaces to occupy and create encampments? Should we be focused more in our local neighborhoods, schools and workplaces? Is there a way to both occupy public space with horizontal assemblies yet also focus locally and concretely?
A look at the recent history of a movement similar to Occupy - the Spanish indignados or 15M movement can shed some light on the opportunities and urgency of this new phase.  It is a moment that we see as a potential turning point, and one with incredible possibilities.
There are three key elements that have made the global movements of 2011 so powerful and different.  The extraordinary capacity to include all types of people; the impulse to move beyond traditional forms of the protest and contention, so as to create solutions for the problems identified; and the horizontal and directly participatory form they take.
Let’s look at the first element. Unlike other movements that have strongly identified with concrete social groups (workers, students, etc.), both the indignados and Occupy are movements that anyone can join, just by choosing to do so.  Again and again in Madrid as in New York we have heard the demonstrators chanting solidarity slogans to the police: “they’ve also lowered your salary” and “you too are the 99 %”.  In both places the movements have been able to bring out many people who had never been to a demonstration before and made them feel welcome and useful.  It is a culture and politics of openness and acceptance of the other.
The second element, the capacity to create solutions, is consistent with this non-confrontational aspect of the Spanish and American movements.  Like their predecessors in Egypt and Greece, both movements began with the occupation of a public space.  Rather than reproducing the logic of the traditional “sit-in,” these occupations quickly turned to the construction of miniature models of the society that the movement wanted to create – prefiguring the world while simultaneously creating it.  The territory occupied was geographic, but only so as to open other ways of doing and being together. It is not the specific place that is the issue, but what happens in it. This is what we could call the first phase of the movement.  Solutions began to be implemented for the urgent problems of loneliness, humiliating competition, the absence of truly representative politics, and the lack of basic necessities, such as housing, education, food, and health care.  In Spain and in the United States this first phase saw the creation of two problem-solving institutions: the general assemblies and the working-groups.
The ways in which we organize in these spaces of assemblies and working groups is inextricably linked to the vision of what we are creating. We seek open, horizontal, participatory spaces where each person can truly speak and be heard. We organize structures, such as facilitation teams, agendas and variations on the forms of the assembly, from general assemblies to spokes councils, always being open to changing them so as to create the most democratic and participatory space possible.
The very existence of the encampments, together with the general assemblies, was already a victory over the increasingly desperate battle of all against all that the neoliberal crisis has imposed on us.  The participants in these movements create spaces of sociability, places where we can be treated as free human beings beyond the constant demands of the profit motive.  In a city like New York where debates about our society tend to occur only in government institutions, and expensive spaces of limited access (universities, offices, restaurants and bars), the assemblies at Zuccotti provided a public forum that was open to anyone who wanted to speak.  In addition, from the very beginning the movement created working groups designed to directly address problems related to basic human necessities.  In Zuccotti, the loading and unloading of shopping-carts full of jars of peanut butter and loaves of bread on the afternoon of Saturday 17th, an initiative launched by the already-functioning food committee, was the first sign of this effort to provide solutions. By the 5th week of the Occupation in New York the food working group was feeding upwards of 3000 people a day.
In these working groups the dynamic of the second phase of these movements was already implicit.  In Spain this phase began over the summer and in the United States it is beginning now.  This phase is characterized by the gradual shift from a focus on acts of protest (which nonetheless continue to have a crucial role, as we must confront this system that creates crisis) to instituting the type of change that the movements actually want to see happen in society as a whole.  The capacity to create solutions grows as the movements expand in all directions, first through the appearance of multiple occupations connected among themselves, and then through the creation of—or collaboration with—groups or networks that are able to solve problems on a local level through cooperation and the sharing of skills and resources. For example, Occupy Harlem is using direct action to prevent heat from being shut off in a building in the neighborhood – this action has been coordinated with OWS and Occupy Brooklyn.
In the case of Spain, this expansion began in June, when the movement decided to focus its energy more on the assemblies and the working groups than on maintaining the encampments themselves.  To maintain the miniature models of a society that the movement wished to create did not necessarily contribute to the actual changes that were needed in the populations that needed them the most.  Which is why the decision to move away from the encampments was nothing more than another impulse in the constructive aims of the movement: the real encampment that has to be reconstructed is the world.
Of course, it is true that the encampments continue to have a crucial function as places in which the symbolic power of the Occupy movement is concentrated.  It is also true that the efforts to defend them have produced moving displays of solidarity.  But the viability of a movement is not only defined by its capacity to withstand pressure from the outside, but also in its ability to reach and work together with people outside the space of the plaza or square. It is this – the going beyond the parameters of the plaza - which the assemblies and the working groups have already started to put into effect.
So, for example, what this could continue to look like in the US is that there are assemblies on street corners, in neighborhoods, in workplaces and universities, working concretely together with neighbors and workmates, as well as then relating together in assemblies of assemblies or spokes councils in parks, plazas and squares, sharing the experiences from the more local spaces. All the while continuing to occupy space and territory, but seeing the territory as what happens together, with one another, in multiple places, and then coming together to share in another geographic place. This could take places on the level of neighborhood to neighborhood – to the level of city to city, all networked in horizontal assemblies.
In any case, to return to the case of Spain, what is certain is that while the indignado movement no longer has encampments, its presence is felt everywhere.  It’s a culture now, composed of thousands of micro-institutions that provide solutions through the common efforts of people affected by the same problems.  There are cooperatives addressing work, housing, energy, education, finance, and nutrition, and many other things, as well as a web of collaboration that connects these cooperatives.  Catalunya and Madrid already have “Integral Cooperatives” whose function is to coordinate the different services offered by various cooperatives within a particular locale, to the point that in some places in Spain it is almost possible to live without having to depend on the resources hoarded by the 1%.  The movement has made it possible for these institutions, which used to be dispersed and limited, to grow and grow connected, and it has provided them with a visibility that has led to much more interest, respect, and support for their functions. Also, the movement keeps coming back to the streets every so often in big demonstrations and assemblies that display its force and allow all of those working in the many projects associated with the spirit of May 15th to see each other, network together, and welcome more people.
The creation of alternative institutions and solutions has already begun in the United States.  With or without encampments, the constructive phase of the Occupy movement is here, and all indications are that it will not slow down, as it has not slowed down in Spain. Every day on the news and on youtube, we see the police removing the occupiers from parks and plazas, but the movement continues to grow – and to grow outside of these places.  While the tumult of raids and returns jolts occupiers and the public alike, thousands of working groups around the world meet weekly in libraries, community centers, churches, cafes, and offices to share their extraordinary abilities and resources.  They are already creating the schools, hospitals, houses, neighborhoods, cities and dreams of the 99%.
This is the beginning of the occupation of an encampment that willnever be dislodged: the world.

Marina Sitrin is a participant in the Occupy Wall Street movement, and was a part of the NYC General Assembly that helped organize OWS. She is a postdoctoral fellow at the CUNY Graduate Center Committee on Globalization and Social Change, and the author of Horizontalism: Voices of Popular Power in Argentina.

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