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<ol><li><font size="3"><b><span style="line-height: 17px; color: rgb(42, 42, 42); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); ">In Case You Wanted to Know the Ratio: 3.5 Million Homeless and 18.5 Million Vacant Homes in the US</span> </b></font></li><li><a href="http://act.alternet.org/go/14521?akid=8078.16102.kLk0L_&t=7" target="_blank" style="line-height: 23px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; "><font size="3"><b>In Last Three Years, Student Debt Of Middle-Age Americans Grew By Nearly 50 Percent</b></font></a></li><li><font size="3"><b><a href="http://cl.exct.net/?ju=fe541273746d07747d10&ls=fe161d777d63077b721678&m=fefc1172766306&l=fed1157376640678&s=fe3215727764017c7d1d71&jb=ffcf14&t=" target="_blank" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: 22px; color: rgb(2, 74, 130); cursor: pointer; ">Working for the minimum</a> </b></font></li><li><font size="3"><b> <span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); color: rgb(42, 42, 42); line-height: 24px; ">Is a new unionism developing in Israel?þ</span> </b></font></li></ol><div><br></div><div>@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@</div><div><br></div><div><strong style="line-height: 17px; font-weight: bold; color: rgb(42, 42, 42); font-family: Tahoma, Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); ">In Case You Wanted to Know the Ratio: 3.5 Million Homeless and 18.5 Million Vacant Homes in the US<br></strong><font color="#cc0000" style="color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; font-family: Tahoma, Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); line-height: normal; "><a href="http://org2.democracyinaction.org/dia/track.jsp?v=2&c=Kl1v/Y8Fe5sfcIaNJ5/JADi2cZx7u3WV" target="_blank" style="line-height: 17px; color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; font-family: Tahoma, Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); ">Read the article at Crooks and Liars</a></font>
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</div><div><br></div><div><div style="line-height: 23px; color: rgb(42, 42, 42); font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; font-size: 18px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); "><a href="http://act.alternet.org/go/14521?akid=8078.16102.kLk0L_&t=7" target="_blank" style="color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; ">In Last Three Years, Student Debt Of Middle-Age Americans Grew By Nearly 50 Percent</a></div><div style="line-height: 14px; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; color: rgb(222, 73, 0); ">By Pat Garofalo | Think Progress</div></div><div style="line-height: 14px; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; color: rgb(222, 73, 0); "><br></div><div>@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@
</div><div><br></div><div><table width="100%" border="0" style="line-height: 15px; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); "><tbody><tr><td valign="top"><a href="http://cl.exct.net/?ju=fe541273746d07747d10&ls=fe161d777d63077b721678&m=fefc1172766306&l=fed1157376640678&s=fe3215727764017c7d1d71&jb=ffcf14&t=" target="_blank" style="color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; "><img src="http://media.sacbee.com/smedia/2011/12/30/22/36/tN8Es.Hi.4.jpg" alt="" align="left" vspace="10" hspace="10" style="border-style: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-top-style: solid; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-width: initial; border-color: initial; border-top-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-right-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-left-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); "></a></td><td valign="top"><p style="margin-bottom: 1.35em; "><a href="http://cl.exct.net/?ju=fe541273746d07747d10&ls=fe161d777d63077b721678&m=fefc1172766306&l=fed1157376640678&s=fe3215727764017c7d1d71&jb=ffcf14&t=" target="_blank" style="line-height: 22px; font-weight: bold; color: rgb(2, 74, 130); cursor: pointer; font-size: 20px; ">Working for the minimum</a><br><span style="line-height: 14px; font-size: 11px; color: rgb(102, 102, 102); font-style: italic; ">By Phillip Reese</span></p><p style="margin-bottom: 1.35em; "><span style="line-height: 20px; font-size: 16px; ">San Francisco will raise its minimum wage to $10.24 an hour next w</span></p></td></tr></tbody></table></div><div><table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" style="line-height: 17px; color: rgb(42, 42, 42); font-family: Tahoma, Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); width: 415px; "><tbody><tr><td valign="top"><a href="http://act.alternet.org/go/14519?akid=8077.16102.l4og4o&t=26" target="_blank" style="color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; "><img src="http://images.alternet.org/images/managed/storyimages_1325287238_fastfood.jpg_640x480_95x68" alt="" width="112" height="81" align="left" border="0" style="border-style: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-top-style: none; border-right-style: none; border-bottom-style: none; border-left-style: none; border-width: initial; border-color: initial; "></a></td><td><span style="color: white; ">-</span></td><td valign="top"><p class="ecxheadline3" style="line-height: 20px; margin-bottom: 1.35em; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; font-size: 16px; "><a href="http://act.alternet.org/go/14519?akid=8077.16102.l4og4o&t=27" target="_blank" style="color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; ">San Francisco Becomes First in Nation with $10 Minimum Wage (and the Sky Isn't Going to Fall)</a></p><p style="line-height: 15px; margin-bottom: 1.35em; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; color: rgb(102, 102, 102); ">The business community is screaming that the higher wages will "cost jobs," but the data suggest otherwise.<a class="ecxreadmore" href="http://act.alternet.org/go/14519?akid=8077.16102.l4og4o&t=28" target="_blank" style="line-height: 11px; font-weight: bold; color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; font-size: 9px; letter-spacing: 0.1em; "><strong style="font-weight: bold; ">READ MORE</strong></a></p><p style="line-height: 14px; margin-bottom: 1.35em; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; color: rgb(77, 77, 77); ">By John Schmitt / AlterNet</p></td></tr></tbody></table></div><div><br></div><div>@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@
</div><div><br></div><div><pre style="line-height: 17px; white-space: normal; color: rgb(42, 42, 42); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); ">Is a new unionism developing in Israel? <br><br><a href="http://newunionism.wordpress.com/2011/10/05/is-a-new-unionism-developing-in-israel/" target="_blank" style="color: rgb(0, 104, 207); cursor: pointer; ">http://newunionism.wordpress.com/2011/10/05/is-a-new-unionism-developing-in-israel/</a><br><br>New Unionism Network<br><br>The social and democratic revolutions that have been<br>sweeping the Middle East have redrawn the political map<br>and rewritten the regional rules, writes Assaf Adiv*,<br>National Coordinator of WAC-Maan. Antagonisms between<br>Israel, the Arab world and the Palestinians have taken<br>on a new dimension, in light of the movement for change<br>in Arab states. Revolutionaries in Tunisia and Egypt<br>have brought down the regimes of Ben Ali and Mubarak,<br>shifting the center of power back to the street. The<br>order that has prevailed in the region for more than 30<br>years is being shaken to the core.<br><br>In Israel, a social protest movement has been gaining<br>momentum. Influenced by the Egyptian and Tunisian<br>uprisings, hundreds of thousands of Israelis have taken<br>to the streets to express their lack of faith in the<br>Netanyahu-Lieberman government and two decades of<br>neo-liberal economics.<br><br>The Workers' Advice Center WAC-Maan (WAC) was<br>established in the mid-1990s. It was set up outside the<br>framework of Israel's largest trade union federation --<br>the Histadrut -- and was openly opposed to<br>neo-liberalism. WAC has sought to combine social<br>struggle with the struggle for peace and against the<br>occupation, together with the fight against<br>discrimination on a national basis.<br><br>While capitalism in the '90s was promising growth for<br>all, WAC defended workers who were being pushed to the<br>margins. Confronting insular Jewish and Arab<br>nationalistic and religious trends, which developed<br>after the second intifada (in 2000), WAC argued for a<br>new model of partnership on a class basis between<br>Jewish and Arab workers.<br><br>The workers in Al-Mahala al-Kubra in Egypt and the<br>mines of Gafsa in southern Tunisia rose up in 2008, and<br>were joined by the youth and the rest of their nations<br>in December 2010 and January/February 2011. It was a<br>clear illustration of WAC's argument that workers in<br>the Middle East are no different to workers elsewhere<br>in the world. The revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia have<br>put social justice and democracy back on the agenda.<br>Instead of the nationalistic and religious slogans<br>which have enjoyed complete control in recent years,<br>demands for democracy and social justice are serving to<br>unite the nations.<br><br>The protest movement that arose in Israel in the summer<br>of 2011 is without doubt a reflection on the enormous<br>influence of the Arab uprisings. Predatory capitalism,<br>which had trampled over human dignity and basic rights<br>in Egypt and Tunisia, is also deeply felt by many<br>Israelis. The protests in Israel are still<br>predominantly a middle-class phenomenon, rather than an<br>open challenge to the regime, however they are laying<br>the groundwork for a more comprehensive movement for<br>social change. The destruction of the social safety net<br><br>In Israel, the official trade union (the Histadrut) was<br>once an incredibly powerful body. At times it served<br>almost as a second state within the state. Until the<br>mid-1980s, the Histadrut was also a leading player in<br>the economy, employing hundreds of thousands in the<br>firms it owned. It controlled the main health service,<br>the General Sick Fund, and other organizations<br>including pension funds, cultural bodies and sports<br>organizations. Some 85% of the workforce was organized<br>within the Histadrut framework.<br><br>However, with the severe economic crisis of the 1980s,<br>which featured inflation of hundreds of percent, Israel<br>adopted the Emergency Economic Stabilization Plan<br>(1985). With this came a rapid march towards<br>privatization and the dismantling of the welfare state.<br>Since then, Israel has been dominated by the view that<br>market forces are the solution to every problem. The<br>state's role is to deliver its citizens to the market.<br>Israel now boasts the widest socioeconomic disparities<br>and one of the highest rates of poverty in the western<br>world.<br><br>There have been cuts to disability and old-age<br>benefits, child allowances and unemployment benefits,<br>along with a dramatic reduction in investment in social<br>services like health, education and housing. The<br>withdrawal of the state from housing, job creation and<br>training have created a new economic situation. Workers<br>are being pushed into poverty even where they work in<br>full-time employment. Even middle-class workers with<br>academic credentials are finding themselves ground<br>under.<br><br>The Histadrut has retained a pragmatic position as<br>production lines are being moved to poorer countries;<br>state-owned (and Histadrut-owned) companies have been<br>privatized; workers have been transferred to manpower<br>agencies; and migrant labor has been imported without<br>any social protection. Thatcherite neo-liberalism has<br>continued to sweep Israel, while the number of workers<br>organized by the federation has fallen to just 26% of<br>the workforce. Taking all unions into account, less<br>than one third of Israeli workers today are organized.<br><br>This is the background to the social protests in<br>Israel. After two gratuitous and blood-soaked wars (in<br>Lebanon in 2006 and Gaza in 2008-9), Netanyahu's<br>government launched a series of anti-Arab legislative<br>changes, while continuing with privatizations and<br>transfering more assets and influence into the hands of<br>a small number of wealthy families.<br><br>However, in 2011 Israel revealed its Achilles' heel.<br>The protest movement is the explosion of an<br>undercurrent that has been gathering pace for a decade.<br>It has found its voice in the establishment of hundreds<br>of organizations, NGOs and unions. These have begun to<br>demand real social change. In the same way that WAC was<br>established to assist Arab workers on the periphery,<br>other organizations such as Kav Laoved, Hotline for<br>Migrant Workers and Physicians for Human Rights have<br>concentrated on marginalized groups, working to support<br>those excluded from the established framework of the<br>labour movement. It is not relevant whether they are<br>migrant laborers, Palestinian workers or Israeli<br>employees of manpower agencies. A new union is launched<br><br>Initially, WAC was a workers' advice center. The<br>transition to a representative workers' organization<br>came with the struggle against unemployment among Arab<br>Israeli workers in construction and agriculture. Since<br>2002, the organization has been involved in campaigning<br>against the importation of migrant labor under<br>semi-slavery conditions. At the same time, the union<br>has established itself as an organization able to<br>assist employers in recruiting workers in construction<br>and agriculture in the Arab sector, on condition that<br>their employment is within the framework of an<br>industry-wide collective agreement.<br><br>This work has led to the employment of thousands from<br>Arab towns in Israel. It has extended the social base<br>and enabled the organization to build its public status<br>vis-a-vis government ministries, employers and the<br>courts. This new form of organizing was aimed at<br>fighting unemployment and resisting discrimination<br>against Arab workers. However, in addition to this, the<br>work has enabled WAC to develop solid experience in the<br>recruitment and organization of workers, along with the<br>negotiation of collective agreements. In 2006-7, the<br>leadership of WAC decided to become a representative<br>organization -- a recognized trade union.<br><br>WAC is open to Jews and Arabs alike. Branches in Tel<br>Aviv and Jerusalem now attract workers from many<br>fields, such as art teachers and truck drivers. A new<br>branch has been opened in Haifa, aiming to organize<br>truck drivers (see below). In addition, the<br>organization has made changes to its own internal<br>regulations to enable it to establish a democratic<br>organizational structure and set up workers' committees<br>and handle labor disputes, as is required by law of<br>representative trade unions in Israel.<br><br>To illustrate WAC's work, here are three examples from<br>different fields in which it is active. What<br>characterizes these campaigns is the targeting of<br>workers who lack of union representation, and building<br>from the ground up.<br><br>1) Targeting truckers - Jews and Arabs in equal<br>conditions of exploitation<br><br>At the end of 2009 WAC began a campaign to unionize<br>truck drivers. The decision to target this group, which<br>includes some 15,000 heavy-vehicle drivers, was taken<br>after contact by drivers through whom WAC learned about<br>conditions in the sector. This is a central economic<br>sector (only 5% of goods for import and export or for<br>the internal market are transported by rail) in which<br>both Jews and Arabs are employed in equal conditions of<br>exploitation. This sector, entirely privately-owned by<br>large and small firms (an estimated 470 companies), is<br>characterised by long working long hours (some 70 hours<br>per week) and no effective protection.<br><br>To build up a presence and gain familiarity with the<br>drivers, intensive activity was initiated at the<br>entrance to Israel's main ports of Haifa and Ashdod. A<br>new WAC branch was opened in Haifa, in order to be more<br>accessible for the drivers. Leaflets were produced in<br>Hebrew, Arabic and Russian (many drivers of former USSR<br>origin do not read Hebrew or Arabic), exposing the<br>deceit behind the current system of payments. WAC's<br>legal department formulated a new wage scale and<br>presented it as an alternative to the existing<br>collective agreement.<br><br>A legal team helped drivers assert their rights after<br>dismissal or leaving work. Each success was advertised<br>and became a talking point among the drivers. At the<br>same time research and articles were published, and<br>various government and public bodies were informed of<br>breaches of safety. This led to extensive media<br>exposure.<br><br>One of the initiatives taken as a result of this work<br>was the unionization of drivers in the haulage firm<br>Hamenia - one of the leading companies in the sector.<br>At the end of November 2010, a workers' committee was<br>elected. This met strong resistance from the company,<br>which was supported by all the main companies in the<br>sector, and a number of drivers were intimidated.<br>However, in the end a court ruling established WAC in<br>the haulage industry, giving the first official<br>confirmation that the organization constitutes a<br>workers' union.<br><br>Special efforts were made to create unity between<br>Jewish and Arab drivers during this campaign. Truck<br>drivers in Israel are often considered to be<br>conservative and nationalist. Arab drivers are<br>portrayed as insular within their religion (they are<br>mostly Moslem), while veteran Jewish drivers are<br>considered mostly to be Likud voters. Russian<br>immigrants are portrayed as (right wing Israel Beitenu<br>Party led by the bigot A. Lieberman) Lieberman<br>supporters. WAC experience in this sector shows that<br>despite such stereotypes, there is clear common ground<br>for unity.<br><br>2) The Salit quarry workers' strike<br><br>Another case that illustrates WAC's work is the<br>organization of workers at Salit Quarries. The workers<br>are Palestinian, mostly residents of areas under<br>Palestinian Authority control and some from East<br>Jerusalem (annexed by Israel). They are employed by<br>Israelis in Israeli-occupied territory east of<br>Jerusalem. This area is a kind of "no-man's land", in<br>which there is no enforcement of workers' rights or<br>basic health and safety measures. The Palestinian union<br>is prevented from representing them in Israeli courts<br>or in negotiations with Israeli employers.<br><br>This is not an isolated case. In East Jerusalem some<br>50,000-70,000 Palestinian residents employed by Israeli<br>companies find themselves in the same situation. The<br>30,000-50,000 Palestinian workers employed in<br>industrial zones of Israeli settlements in the West<br>Bank are also lacking union protection. To assist these<br>workers, WAC have been operating an office in East<br>Jerusalem for over a decade.<br><br>At Salit, WAC has worked for four years to improve<br>conditions, implement safety protocols, raise wages,<br>and ensure pension fund contributions from the<br>employer. During efforts to unionize, they compelled<br>the management to provide dining and washing<br>facilities. Likewise, the workers have been issued with<br>wage slips for the first time, and basic insurance<br>contributions have been paid (national insurance and<br>basic pension payments). Management has agreed to<br>elections for a workers' committee and has begun<br>negotiations towards a collective agreement. In 2010,<br>the workers declared a four-day strike to compel the<br>management to start negotiations. Later, when a draft<br>agreement had been reached and the management backed<br>down from signing, another strike of nearly three<br>months was declared. At the end of this the quarry<br>declared bankruptcy. Despite the complex situation in<br>which the workers find themselves due to the<br>bankruptcy, they continue to view their struggle as a<br>success, and believe victory will be achieved in the<br>legal arena too.<br><br>WAC has established itself as a responsible and<br>determined workers' organization, ready to fight<br>relentlessly for Palestinian workers' rights.<br><br>3) Organizing teachers in private art colleges<br><br>Various private art schools have opened in Israel<br>during the last 30 years, due to an increase in the<br>number of artists and craftspeople working in fields<br>such as painting, music, alternative therapy etc. These<br>establishments, which demand high fees from students,<br>employ thousands of teachers. Many of these are<br>well-known artists - in conditions of poor wages via<br>subcontracting agencies and without peripheral benefits<br>or employment security.<br><br>This stratum of teachers (a great majority of whom are<br>Israeli Jews) is not unionized. WAC's links with<br>artists via solidarity initiatives with Arab workers<br>led to a number of opportunities to organize these<br>teachers.<br><br>At Tel Aviv's Minshar School of Art WAC reached an<br>agreement with management in 2008, according to which<br>teachers would be employed directly (instead of by the<br>hour via agencies) with all peripheral benefits. In<br>2010, organizers began a process of unionization at the<br>Musrara School of Photography (70 teachers), and a<br>collective agreement was signed in October 2010. The<br>teachers' committee was a partner in the process, which<br>included a general assembly outside the premises due to<br>the management's initial opposition. WAC won the<br>management's cooperation only after presenting a<br>sufficient number of signatures and demonstrating that<br>the teachers were determined to reach an agreement. An<br>agreement was reached within four months.<br><br>At the Jerusalem School of Visual Theatre a similar<br>process was begun in 2011, and negotiations began in<br>June towards a collective agreement. Here, too, WAC<br>encountered difficulties, but the teachers were<br>determined to unionize, and rejected all attempts to<br>deter or scare them. When it was said that WAC was a<br>small, new organization with a radical character<br>("supports the Arabs"), the teachers said that was<br>exactly why they chose WAC, whose leaders and activists<br>believe in social justice.<br><br>A new type of union<br><br>WAC is becoming a significant player in the industrial<br>relations arena in Israel. It gives a voice to young<br>people, women and men, both Jews and Arabs, people who<br>have lost their dignity as well as their rights in a<br>state that worships capital and neglects labor.<br>Furthermore, the organization's position is gaining<br>ground in central media channels.<br><br>WAC's members have played an active part in the social<br>protest movement that erupted in the the summer of 2011<br>in Israel; well aware of both its strength and<br>limitations. The movement, irrespective of numbers and<br>ethics, will not be able to change the situation in<br>Israel if it does not translate its influence into<br>political power. The tents currently erected in central<br>squares in cities throughout Israel will not remain<br>there forever. Their place as symbols of protest must<br>be taken by organizations and unions who will unite the<br>workers and political forces, and give expression to<br>the deep desire for change and an end to destructive,<br>unbridled capitalism.<br><br>WAC works to give a voice to the forces currently not<br>represented. It is convinced that the new protest<br>movement in Israel opens opportunities for the working<br>class and Arab workers to rise out of passivity and<br>despair. Within the demonstrations and events and<br>during countless debates, activists spoke of the need<br>to place the issues of social justice and peace<br>together. WAC's call for bringing down the rightwing<br>government is not just due to the government's<br>anti-social agenda, but also its extremely militant<br>approach towards the Palestinians.<br><br>The deep lack of faith in the economic and political<br>establishment which is being expressed through social<br>protest enables WAC to promote the unionization of<br>workers and encourage workers to defend themselves and<br>act independently on the political level too. Changes<br>throughout the region and in Israel have prepared the<br>ground for the creation of new movements, unions and<br>political parties, within Israel and throughout the<br>whole region.<br><br>* About the author<br><br>Assaf Adiv is National Co-ordinator of the independent<br>union WAC-Maan. He has been active in the movement<br>against the oppression of Palestinians and the struggle<br>for workers' rights since the 1970s. During this time<br>he worked as a journalist in the ArabicHebrew<br>newspaper Tarik Al-Shararaa, spending 18 months in jail<br>on political charges along with 3 other editors of the<br>paper. He is a leading member of the left<br>Marxist-oriented "Daam - Workers Party" and writes on<br>social and political issues in the local Hebrew and<br>Arabic press and in the e-magazines Etgar (Hebrew)<br>Al-Sabar (Arabic) Challenge (English).</pre></div><div>@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@
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